By Luis Manuel Aguana
Little by little, people are understanding why for many years we have
been insisting that the political leadership of the official opposition has
surrendered to the regime in a "bend over so as not to break",
according to the sad expression of Henry Ramos Allup, as a formula for its
political survival at the expense of the hunger and freedom of Venezuelans.
In effect, Manuel Rosales finished unmasking himself in front of the country, assuming the same discourse that the regime has used against the opposition: "how they are going to deny my trajectory, my political life, they are going to destroy it in one day... Those who are doing that and many people who are within María Corina's structure, I do not believe she is in that... They are people who do not believe in the electoral route and believe in abstention and violence..." (see in Spanish América 24 Horas, Rosales accuses María Corina's party of promoting "abstention and violence", in https://www.instagram.com/america24horas/p/C53kET1O_q4/).
If we are going to discuss which person has more credibility in the electoral and political representation route, there would not be precisely the one who did not want to go to the primaries because he would be defeated, as opposed to the one who did go and won with 93% of the votes. Maybe it would be more convenient for Rosales to endorse the UNT card to the PSUV and we will get out of it once and for all.
And by the way, why all this discussion with someone who did not participate in the primaries? Is it because he has a party with a candidate registered in the CNE? There are a dozen candidates in the same situation, what is the difference? The difference is that Manuel Rosales is the favorite of Nicolás Maduro Moros as "representative" of the opposition agglutinated in the Unitary Platform that went to Barbados to negotiate electoral conditions. But since the Unitary Platform promoted a primary that was won by María Corina Machado (MCM) with 2.4 million votes, it is not easy for them to say now that MCM is not the candidate (or in her absence Dr. Corina Yoris Villasana) but Rosales, only because the regime demands it, although they are doing everything possible "bending over backwards not to split".
In this context, the negotiating position of MCM is strengthened, even though Rosales is inside. He is already the candidate of his party, because it is a condition he "earned" by being a supporter of Maduro's regime since the first day of his mandate as Governor of the State of Zulia. Rosales would be the ideal loser of the elections, as he was in 2006, when he raised his hand to Chávez when all the polling stations had not yet closed (I was one of those who was left counting).
The same would happen now, and that is why the parties of the Unitary Platform are very interested in a negotiation with Rosales, despite the fact that they already have a candidate with popular support. Because instead of closing ranks in the defense, not of MCM, but of the popular will of the opposition expressed on October 22, rejecting the violation of the Venezuelans' right to elect, the parties of the Unitary Platform prefer midnight pacts where the interests of the participants are safeguarded. How long will Venezuelans tolerate such behavior? MCM has a great opportunity to give a "parao" to this situation because it is backed by the legitimacy of origin won with the votes.
Neither the Unitary Platform, nor Rosales, and even less the regime, can inject legitimacy to that election of June 28 except MCM. And I believe that as far as things have gone with Rosales in his excessive ambition and desperation to take the discursive banner of the Maduro regime, MCM should put the papers in the place where they belong.
Indeed, SHE is the one who should be in the election, no other opposition, with or without the support of Rosales-UNT, and with the Unity card, because that card was won cleanly on October 22. That should be the line of the Unity Platform if they truly wish to win against Maduro. But if it is not so -as they are demonstrating- and they persist in coexisting, by meddling a position in the election with Manuel Rosales at the head, and that even with a supposed support that MCM cannot endorse, even if it wanted to, they will legitimize the regime on July 28. And even if they achieve a consensus candidate other than Rosales, the regime would not accept him for the simple fact that he would have the approval of MCM.
Then, is the game locked? Yes, the regime has locked the game because either it remains locked or they lose the election with MCM. And Rosales is helping this to happen. In my opinion, either MCM participates on July 28 or the regime remains in power, even if in the extreme case they accept Dr. Yoris Villasana at the last minute. That is already set in those terms. And why do I say this? Although I already explained it in my last note (see The height of misery, in https://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/p/the-height-of-misery.html), greater precision is required.
In a recent electoral report about the creation of new centers and relocation of voters presented in the program of the series "Venezuela, elecciones y apartheid", in which I have the honor of participating, from journalist Maibort Petit's Sin Filtros channel (see in Spanish, Sin Filtros, Venezuela: Maduro altered the Electoral Registry and created mini-voting centers, in https://youtu.be/GM92P23ry-Y?si=Yl9AOBGtHtL7PNB-) data such as the following were revealed:
"When we compare the centers we had in
2021 with those of 2023 we had 14,262 centers and it increased to 15,857
centers, an increase of 1,595 new ONE TABLE centers. The electoral tables decreased
because the number of voters per table was increased to 1000 voters"...
"If we go on to analyze the total number of voting centers, which are
15,857, we observe that there are 9,322 ONE TABLE centers nationwide,
equivalent to 58.79% of centers..." (see in Spanish Creation of new
electoral centers and relocation of voters. Eng. Gerardo Uzcátegui Betancourt,
in https://youtu.be/vbkik_zJIfM). These
last figures correspond to 4,286,654 voters or 20% of the electoral population.
This is enough to win an election.
In other words, they increased the number of ONE TABLE centers to places
where the regime has full control, relocating the electoral population of the
country, hence decreasing the number of polling stations from 30,106 in 2021 to
28,027 in 2023. This behavior has been consistent to the point that in the
Capriles-Chavez election of October 7, 2012, there were 13,258 centers with
38,130 polling stations. The centers have been consistently increasing and
decreasing the number of polling stations.
Already in the report "Presidential Election in Venezuela 2012" by María Mercedes Febres-Cordero, Bernardo Márquez and Alfredo Weil of ESDATA of November 2012, the following was revealed: "The magnitude of the inconsistencies detected in valid votes are estimated in the order of 12% for centers with more than one table and 92% for centers with only one table" (see in Spanish Report Presidential Election in Venezuela 2012 - An Integral Evaluation, María Mercedes Febres-Cordero, Bernardo Márquez and Alfredo Weil, in https://tinyurl.com/5n7d2x6v).
Imagine the massive transfer that the regime will make of the voters of the Diaspora who will not be able to vote on June 26 to ONE TABLE centers built for that function, where they will forcefully "vote" in favor of the regime more than 4 or 5 million expatriate compatriots who will not be able to defend themselves, not counting the 4.2 million mentioned in Eng. Uzcátegui's report. In the mentioned cut of the Electoral Registry of 2023, there are already 58.79% of one table centers in the whole country. Undoubtedly, we already know where the 10 million that were nowhere to be seen in the Essequibo Referendum came from…
And yet, we still believe that we can against this macabre electoral system that is prepared not to lose an election, like a loaded roulette wheel in a casino where the house always wins and laughs. Venezuela has reached a point where the only way to face this is with an INDISCUTIBLE candidacy, that will not be affected by this maneuver, and where nobody can believe the regime that it won that election because they will turn the numbers around because they have the means to do it. That candidacy is the MCM, there is no other, not even that of Dr. Corina Yoris Villasana, with which the regime can perfectly justify that she lost for a thousand valid reasons, precisely because she is NOT MCM. The decision is in the hands of María Corina...
Caracas, April 19, 2024
Blog:
TIC’s & Derechos Humanos, https://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/
Email: luismanuel.aguana@gmail.com
Twitter:@laguana
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