By Luis Manuel Aguana
So much has been written on the subject of the opposition unit that
people no longer believe in it. The very term "unity" became a
commonplace, something worn out in everyone's hands. The parties attempting a
common front to achieve through democratic means to subdue something that in no
way from the very beginning could be considered as democratic but as
authoritarian and dictatorial. This "unity" was soon seen in the
seams of coexistence with the regime. Tyranny was well served by a functioning
"opposition" to give an international appearance of democracy.
That position cost the country politically a break between those of us
who saw clearly that the regime had agreed with a complacent opposition that
attended each electoral event knowing that it was going without any guarantee,
and those who kept us busy with the blackmail of the vote as the only way out
of this tyranny, in a logical contradiction since by definition a tyranny
cannot come out by democratic means, quite the contrary, tyrannies are
consolidated with the tools of democracy. But the complaisant opposition had us
for years in that lie until with so many sticks the people finally understood
that greater truth than a temple by demonstrating reliably all the traps that
had been done to us with the electoral system.
People still don't fully assimilate it, but the fact that President Juan
Guaidó and the rest of the politicians in the National Assembly have advanced
what has been done so far to evict the regime of Nicolás Maduro Moros, is not
due to his "extraordinary political abilities" but because
Venezuelans gave them, as one man, the back to continue accepting the path of
electoral fraud favored by those who had always deceived us: the regime and its
complacent opposition. And
that is the only truth.
That fact alone dynamited the base of sustenance of the regime on May
20, 2018, achieving that this election was not recognized internationally and
Maduro as legitimate President. The rest is history until January 23, 2019 when
Guaidó harvested the harvest of lost legitimacy by assuming the functions of
President of the Republic (albeit incompletely), according to Article 233 of
the Constitution, but hand in hand with the Venezuelan people in the streets,
something that certainly did not accompany the parties that had always led us
to the electoral slaughterhouse. We
have to remember that very well.
So if in the National Assembly, with Juan Guaidó at the forefront, due
to a succession of historical events, they are exercising that "parallel
power" as Executive Power through a Law of the Statute for the Transition,
it has been by the work and grace of the same Venezuelan people who has been
the one who has put the blood and suffering all these years.
The administration of this struggle to achieve the Cessation of
Usurpation has been extremely unfortunate and ineffective -not to say
criminal-, not only because there has been clumsiness and impreparation, but
also because the opposing forces that in the past wanted the electoral
continuity of the regime are still alive, sabotaging any attempt to evict it.
They have not disappeared due to the fact that the country no longer believes
at all in the electoral system of Tiby Lucena and his countless electoral thieves
of the CNE, but because now they are looking for another accommodation that
will allow them to recover the confidence they once had to be able to take us
back to an electoral slaughterhouse with the regime, even without Nicolás
Maduro Moros being in power, giving continuity by other means to the socialism
of the XXI century.
And to show a button: the only presence in the Norwegian mission of an
electoral agent of that opposition that always told Venezuelans that the
electoral system of the regime was reliable, the former Rector Vicente Díaz, is
irrefutable proof that the solution sought in Oslo is electoral, without having
made the prior and necessary fumigation to the electoral antro of the CNE to
clean up all irregularities insistently denounced from civil society.
But I do not want to divert the matter to the specifically electoral,
although it is very important for this reasoning. The National Assembly and Juan Guaidó, as its highest representative
and President in Charge, cannot ignore the rest of the Venezuelans who said NO
to the system that illegally designated Maduro as President on May 20, 2018 and
that led him to be the one in charge of this struggle. And on behalf of
those Venezuelans there are leaders who have long since distanced themselves, some
more and some less, from the regime's electoral solution and its
collaborationism. Integrating this leadership to the efforts being made for the
Cessation of Usurpation, one could say that Venezuela would be fighting
together to get out of tyranny.
On behalf of that opposition Venezuela, President Juan Guaidó should be
politically incorporating Diego Arria and Antonio Ledezma outside the country,
and María Corina Machado inside the country, into a Governing Council in order
to decide on a unified and internationally credible strategy against the regime
of Nicolás Maduro Moros. In the same way, to integrate in this Council civil
society organizations and institutions with the maximum credibility in the
citizenry, such as churches and universities.
The political leadership and representation of Venezuela, which did not
go to the elections of May 20, 2018 and which maintained at all times a radical
and intransigent position for the exit of the regime, rests on the above
mentioned people. That is the Venezuela that Guaidó must integrate into his
government. Of course, there is another political leadership that could be
perfectly considered, but it could be affirmed without any major mistake that
in Arria, Ledezma y Machado rests the majority representation of that other
Venezuela that has not yielded an inch to the tyranny of
castro-chavismo-madurismo.
This Governing Council would represent the real opposition unification
in front of third parties without anyone being left out. And if they are truly
negotiating with the regime something other than the terms of the Cessation of
Usurpation, then that solution should be validated by the opposition
representation of all of Venezuela, not only of the party that represents the
MUD-Frente Amplio of the National Assembly, or even worse, that of two parties
-VP and UNT-, because if so, it would have no value for Venezuelans. If they
went to negotiate an electoral process without absolutely changing the
conditions, only negotiating Rectors of the CNE as exchange cards, what they
will achieve is that nobody will vote in another fraudulent process like that
of the 20M-2018, prolonging the suffering of Venezuelans and exposing violence,
hunger and death.
A few years ago, prior to the disaster that occurred with the 2012
Chávez-Capriles elections, I published an article titled "Technical
Unit" (see in Spanish in http://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/2012/07/unidad-tecnica.html). In that note he
made a similar proposal, no longer among opposition politicians but among those
who, being equal, were in turn very different. It seemed like a play on words,
but it was not. It proposed Unity among the opposition electoral technicians to
give a common technical front with political implications to those who
politically led the opposition against the regime. My naivety in those days
rested on the fact that I believed that there was the real political will to
end the tragedy that was already in 2012 the misgovernment of Hugo Chavez, and
since they had not rejected the proposal.
Now the political will is a
prerequisite and this time the proposal is not technical, it is Political (with
a capital "P") and is aimed at those who lead the transition, so that
they have the greatness of including without sectarianism the representation of
the rest of the Venezuelan opposition in the process to stop the usurpation,
because if they do not do it the result will be more traumatic and very
possibly they will not achieve it alone. In this sense, I subscribe
100% to the words of Carlos Sánchez Berzaín in a recent presentation at the
InterAmerican Institute for Democracy: "...in
the Venezuelan reality, in the Cuban reality, in the Bolivian reality, and in
the reality of Nicaragua and of the countries oppressed by these dictatorships
transnational organized crime, there are two stages to liberate
themselves....The first stage is a stage of unity against the usurper. A stage
of social unity, of political unity against the illegal holder of power,
against the dictatorship of organized crime. That is a concept of national
mission because that is where the survival of Venezuela and the Venezuelans in the
case of Venezuela, of Bolivia and the Bolivians in the case of Bolivia, of Cuba
and the Cubans in the case of Cuba, and the same goes for Nicaragua. That unity
is not an ideological unity. It is not a partisan unity. It is not an issue
that has to do with the conceptions of the people or the very respectable
political parties that resist the dictatorship. It is nothing more than the
objective of ending usurpation. To give rise to a second stage that is the
restoration of democracy, in which ideologies and political positions can once
again be in force, replacing the essential elements of democracy. And I want to
return to that first stage, because we are in that first stage in Venezuela, in
Bolivia, in Nicaragua and we are failing because of sectarianism. We are
failing because there is no possibility of unity against the usurper! Because
there are fifth columnists, because there is division, because there are
aspirations to a power that does not have to be held by the usurper but that
does not want to be achieved because it simply governs and sectarianism is in
force! And whoever falls in the glove, who assumes it and who is ashamed to try
to make a project of unity that will soon end the usurpation in Venezuela,
Bolivia, Nicaragua and Cuba” (see Carlos Sánchez Berzaín, in “Unidad para
terminar con la usurpación en Venezuela”, in https://youtu.be/c-ryN2uec1s). (Highlighted by us)
Although in Venezuela I see it difficult for them to assume or become
ashamed, at least if they are pointed out by sectarians. What we have seen so
far of the Guaidó government are sectarian acts that exclude opposing factors
that could well accelerate the fall of the regime. The President in Charge and
the political factors of the National Assembly do not represent the entire
opposition Venezuela and do not have the legitimacy to negotiate for all of us.
But they do have the power to open up without sectarianism, as Sánchez Berzaín
points out, to build a project of opposition unity among all of us that
administers national and international strategies for the Cessation of
Usurpation. There should be no problems if we agree on what is fundamental: to
immediately end the regime in order to recover democracy and freedom.
Caracas, May 26,
2019
Email:
luismanuel.aguana@gmail.com
Twitter:@laguana
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