If there is something in which the Venezuelan political factors have coincided in relation to the Constituent thesis, it is that it is indeed necessary to make a change, a reform of the constitutional text to repair in some way, and without specifying what, what the Castro-Chavism-Madurism had damaged our institutionality with the 1999 Constitution. When those of us who initiated ANCO approached the discussion of the subject with any of these factors, we always received the same answer: the Constituent Assembly must be held, but afterwards.
The aspirations for power, the egos of the political leadership, the parties and their strategies to achieve political "spaces" to better compete -electorally speaking- with the regime always came before. And this has not changed one millimeter since the beginning of this Constituent crusade many years ago. The problem, for them, was not in establishing a new Pact between governors and governed and solving the political crisis as soon as possible, but who was in power to define that Pact.
From the civil society we tried to change that concept, which is not only rooted in the parties and their leaders, but in the very core of the Venezuelan political ideology. When you ask any Venezuelan what is his or her idea of how to change the terrible things that have happened in Venezuela, the answer without thinking is "the government must be changed". This reinforces the idea that the problem is a question of leadership and not of structure, when the latter defines the former.
Any person who becomes President of the Republic in the current institutional state of affairs in Venezuela, could perfectly do the same as Hugo Chávez did, such as creating ministries from a television program, because he fabricated that structure for himself, in the same way that he decided to finish on his own and without going through any legislative control, the separation of Venezuela from the Andean Community of Nations, creating a monumental economic chaos in two countries at the same time.
So the problem is not only of political leadership, but of the institutional structure that the next leader will find, which is nothing more than the framework that will define his or her political performance. We have always argued that a completely distorted framework such as the one existing in Venezuela is not and will not be in any way the solid and stable structure required by the next president of the country in the political chaos that will accompany the fall of the criminals who now hold power in Venezuela.
But since it will be impossible to have this new institutional structure at the moment things change, a new one will have to be built from the very moment the situation turns around, which could happen at any moment in Venezuela. Ideally, it would already exist, that is to say, the situation of the country could be changed before and without the need to go through an electoral process, and we would convince the world that Venezuela needs a process arbitrated by the International Community to elect an Original National Constituent Assembly, with some Electoral Bases approved by the Venezuelan people, as a unique and unifying formula for the country.
However, with the passing of the years, the prevailing political situation in the country shows us without a doubt that it is much more likely that a presidential election will take place before a Constituent Assembly is called, in a country that has always been permanently looking for someone to save it. And it is not that I like that reality, but THAT IS THE EXISTING REALITY and as long as we deny it we will never find the way out of this labyrinth.
The political class has biased the actions of Venezuelans to the point of preventing them from finding different ways out, permanently proposing saviors of the homeland that they can control from their parties, offering them to the people as the solution to all their ills, through the electoral system, even though it is controlled by the regime. We have not been able to break this vicious circle, which is endlessly repeated over and over again. And in the meantime, the country is bleeding everywhere and more and more pronouncedly. How to break this trap that has us depressed and defeated?
The latest proposal of the political parties of the opposition, in order to keep on growing in our credibility, is to choose among all of them in a primary process, the least bad of a small universe that still tolerates them, and that according to all polls hardly exceeds 20% of Venezuelans. This leaves us with approximately 80% who will either not vote or will vote against them in elections that they know will be rigged by the regime, which has never hidden its intentions of not handing over power by electoral means.
Where does all this leave us? That the primaries will elect a previously agreed loser, coming from a process sponsored and controlled by that political class abhorred by the population, and over which the regime will have control so that it accepts the result of the machines of its CNE.
Based on an expected reality of a "triumph" of the regime over any candidate coming out of those primaries, what should be the attitude of ANY political movement going to those elections and that really wishes to face the regime in its sure fraud, and demand what neither Rosales in 2006, nor Capriles in 2012 and 2013 demanded? To get someone who manages to bring together that 80% that embodies the feeling of rejection of Venezuela to these 23 years of concubinage between the regime and its opposition.
Clearly, the regime will try to prevent any candidacy that does not fit into its plans, outside the candidate agreed with the official opposition in the primaries. And the same opposition will tear its clothes, shouting that another opposition candidacy outside the one chosen in the primaries would be divisive. But divisive of what, of a surrendered opposition? With this candidate, who is already a minority, nothing would be dividing, because the bulk of the population would still be looking for options.
It is there then where the real opposition candidacy would be built, measured in the streets and in the opposition public opinion for those elections, capable of mobilizing and putting Venezuela in the same situation of political exaltation that we had when Henrique Capriles in 2013 sent us to play pots and pans and dance salsa. In other words, we would not be looking in that presidential campaign for the candidate who "wins" the elections with the CNE of the regime, because this one will clearly not win.
What we would be looking for would be the candidate capable of confronting and mobilizing 80% of the opposition country and of firmly standing up to the fraud that the regime and its international partners are cooking up from now on. And what happens next will be defined by the forces that decide the power, under the watchful eye of the International Community. This is what would be proposed in the country if the path of a presidential election is chosen, as the politicians and the International Community have already chosen for us, since there is an optimal Constitutional and Constituent solution.
From there on, whoever manages to civically displace the current state of affairs, and then successfully overcome this borderline situation, will necessarily have to lead a transitional government and immediately convene the Constituent Assembly to guarantee the existence of a viable long-term institutional structure for the next rulers of the country, giving stability to Venezuela, and avoiding the repetition of the 23 years of misfortune that occurred in the country, an experience that unfortunately some Latin American countries are already going through, where the same rulers that destroyed them have returned, for having made the mistake of not immediately dismantling the corrupt institutional skein that kept them in power.
ANCO, in its new condition as a political movement, will continue to monitor the evolution of this political process in the country and will act in the interest of convening the Venezuelan people as soon as possible so that the Venezuelan people may decide their destiny. Likewise, we will continue working in the organization and training of its regional cadres throughout the country, in the full knowledge of the project that we have proposed to Venezuela, El Gran Cambio, Una propuesta para la Refundación de Venezuela (text in Spanish in, https://ancoficial.blogspot.com/p/documentos-fundamentales.html), and to be prepared for the moment when the Constituent Assembly process is convened, sooner rather than later, by the means determined by the political reality of the country. This is the objective that we have set as a political organization from this moment on, at the service of a profound change in the way of doing politics, for a harmonious development of Venezuela and its new generations.
Caracas, March 10, 2023
Blog:
TIC’s & Derechos Humanos, https://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/
Email: luismanuel.aguana@gmail.com
Twitter:@laguana
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