By Luis Manuel Aguana
It is too early to draw firm conclusions regarding the meeting held by Jorge Rodríguez and Dinorah Figuera. In politics, what is left unsaid is more important than what is said, especially when the US, the country's guardian, had not commented on the meeting. Since January 3, 2026, no one from the remaining members of the Maduro regime can go to the bathroom without the permission of the Americans, much less hold meetings that could impact the country's immediate political future.
Indeed, on June 18, 2026, in the official statement by spokesman Thomas "Tommy" Pigott, titled "Support for an Institutional Democratic Transition in Venezuela," we can draw some preliminary conclusions (see US Dept State, June 18, 2026 - Supporting an Institutional Democratic Transition in Venezuela, in https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2026/06/supporting-an-institutional-democratic-transition-in-venezuela/).
That meeting was as unexpected as Maduro’s removal in January, yet it is understood as something imposed by the "guardian" upon the Delcy Rodríguez interim administration—given the regime’s rejection and persecution of the 2015 National Assembly members. But an imposition for what purpose? What is the alleged message Figuera is bringing to the "Rodrigato" that the U.S. Chargé d’Affaires in Venezuela himself cannot—or should not—deliver?
In the meantime, I will take the liberty of trying to decipher the inner workings of that cryptic U.S. statement—a text where one must scrutinize what is left unsaid even more than what is explicitly stated, much like those psychological test images where one is tasked with finding an animal not immediately visible to the naked eye. Let’s take a look:
“The United States welcomes the meeting today between Jorge Rodriguez as President of the National Assembly (AN) of 2026 and representative of the Venezuelan Interim Government, and 2015 Venezuelan National Assembly President Dinorah Figuera to discuss an agenda that will serve as the roadmap for a political dialogue on a democratic transition.
This is undoubtedly a blow to the U.S. stance regarding the Panama Manifesto, in which the opposition faction led by Dinorah Figuera—representing the four main parties of the 2015 National Assembly—pledged loyalty to María Corina Machado’s (MCM) leadership regarding any negotiations with the regime that succeeded Maduro.
This paragraph makes it clear that the U.S. continues to recognize the 2015 National Assembly as legitimate, to the extent that it still funds its members. By now, this recognition nauseates all Venezuelans—not only because these figures have failed to account for their actions and lead inexplicably lavish lives in exile, but also because they are still regarded as "representatives" of the legitimate opposition to the regime.
“The U.S. understands that this agenda includes key priorities such as rebuilding Venezuela’s democratic institutions, strengthening the CNE, reestablishing durable guarantees for political participation, and securing essential civic freedoms for open political discourse”.
Here, the "tutor" presents the agenda for the meeting between the regime and the 2015 National Assembly: a) Institutional reconstruction; b) "Strengthening" (a diplomatic term used for change, though the extent remains unclear) of the CNE; c) Inclusion of political factions in a potential electoral contest; and d) Respect for human rights.
If memory serves, all these points were already included in previous negotiation agendas during Maduro’s tenure. They were even part of the Barbados Agreement—which Jorge Rodríguez himself trampled upon—before he convened a different process with "opposition" *alacranes* (turncoats) in the National Assembly, many of whom now hold seats in the regime's current National Assembly.
If "institutional reconstruction" implies a revision of the 1999 Constitution, it is unlikely to aim at holding early elections; doing so would run counter to the Trump-Rubio plan, given that the plan's first two phases had not been completed prior to the transition to elections.
However, it is possible that the agenda includes an arrangement to delay the call for elections and install a new face for the so-called interim government. The goal would be to revitalize the interim administration, making it more palatable to external actors who are wary of investing funds in Venezuela to effectively launch the second phase of the U.S. plan.
If that is the case, we would be looking at more of the same, as neither the 2015 National Assembly nor Delcy Rodríguez’s deplorable regime could represent anything other than corruption and institutional rot. Until this situation changes, the lives of Venezuelans will only worsen. Two illegitimate institutions—since the 2015 National Assembly ceased to constitutionally represent the Venezuelan people in 2020—do not add up to a legitimate one, even an interim one.
President Trump’s administration must understand that by removing Maduro, it did not merely oust a drug kingpin; it altered the course of our political history by orchestrating a foreign-instigated coup d'état in Venezuela. And if the United States truly wishes to change the lives of Venezuelans for the better, the only appropriate remaining course of action—following the coup d'état of January 3, 2026—is to designate an Emergency Government. Backed by the same force employed on that date, this government would definitively sweep away the remnants of the Maduro regime and its pseudo-opposition associates, while mandating the necessary measures to carry out the country's political transition.
“The U.S. supports this dialogue led by the National Assembly of 2015, the last internationally recognized democratically elected entity in Venezuela, and the Interim Government. This is a first step in what will be a thoughtful process to secure a free and open Venezuelan society”.
Acknowledging this statement makes it official that any negotiation with what remains of the Maduro regime will be solely with that corrupt bloc from the 2015 National Assembly—a group that no longer represents anyone in Venezuela. This leaves out MCM and the Panama Manifesto—a document that, incidentally, was treacherously and quickly forgotten by the members of the 2015 National Assembly’s Unitary Platform who had signed it, once they were summoned by the US to negotiate with the "Rodrigato." If the issue was truly "opposition unity," they should have told Trump that MCM was the only one who should be negotiating. This illustrates just how fragile agreements with political crooks are. A lesson for MCM...
“The cornerstone of any democratic transition is inclusive dialogue. We look forward to continued conversations between Venezuela’s political parties and the Interim Government in the coming weeks in Caracas to formally begin their work”.
There can be no “inclusive dialogue” among criminals—only rules for dividing the spoils. Political parties have ceased to exist in Venezuela, a fact the U.S. State Department knows full well. Seeking to engage both sides to reach an agreement that benefits Venezuelans is an aspiration rather than a reality; leaving the matter in the hands of those whose methods we already know is a sorry waste of time, especially while Venezuelans face a life-or-death emergency that cannot wait any longer. Is that what the U.S. wants? For that division of spoils to fail, thereby paving the way for intervention? One can only hope...
It is highly unlikely that this “negotiation” over the country among criminals will yield anything that inspires confidence or appears credible to foreign investors. Yet such confidence must exist before any steps can be taken to clean up the country’s electoral system. In 1958, a Civic-Military Junta was established first; it restored order in Venezuela and initially assumed all powers of the state. Then, five months later—in May 1958—it enacted an Electoral Statute that laid the groundwork for general elections. That is exactly what is needed now.
“The U.S. stands behind a process focused on the important technical work that needs to be done to make this process work for all concerned, representing the interests of the Venezuelan people. That is the only way that Venezuela will have a more democratic and prosperous future”.
And here is one of the most important paragraphs from this statement: “a process focused on the important technical work needed for this initiative to yield results.” Do you really think results will come from a negotiation between two parties that, for nearly 30 years, have sidelined technical matters in favor of the country’s dire problems—focusing instead only on how to line their pockets? It’s as blunt as that.
If that meeting between Jorge Rodríguez’s illegitimate National Assembly and the "widows" of the failed opposition—left behind by Guaidó’s botched interim government—was some sort of American attempt to secure a government for Venezuelans that is credible in the eyes of the world, then—by involving discredited figures from the recent opposition past—they are sadly wasting their time due to a lack of understanding of our reality, all while prolonging the suffering of the Venezuelan people.
If it was a way to convey orders from the US to the "Rodrigato" regime, it wasn't necessary, as they already have ways to do that. And if it was a way to cover up or lend a veneer of legality to US intervention in our country, simply imposing the necessary legal instructions on the "Rodrigato"—as was done with the hydrocarbon and mining laws—would have sufficed.
We remain in the worst of all worlds: Venezuelan politicians don't understand US politics, and US politicians don't understand Venezuelan politics. If both sides understood, MCM would be truly aligned with US actions in Venezuela (which is why Trump left her out), and the US wouldn't be trying to revive the political corpses of the 2015 National Assembly to resolve Venezuela's grave situation. And as long as neither side grasps this, the rest of us Venezuelans will remain royally screwed...
Caracas, June 20, 2026
Blog: TIC’s & Derechos Humanos, https://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/
Email: luismanuel.aguana@gmail.com
Twitter:@laguana
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