By Luis Manuel Aguana
In the midst of the great confusion
surrounding politics these days, the only thing that is clear to Venezuelans is
that things are getting worse every day.
And it's not because of the dollar anymore. When goods and services rise from one week to
the next 3 to 4 times, the dollar does barely rise 10 to 20 percent. The regime
raised the military's salary and bonuses by more than 2400%. (see in Spanish http://cronica.uno/incrementos-salarios-a-tropas-y-oficiales-de-la-fanb-superan-2400-ano/) while the rest of us Venezuelans are only 100%
recognized (see in Spanish https://www.panorama.com.ve/politicayeconomia/Maduro-aumento-el-salario-minimo-a-3-millones-cesta-ticket-quedo-en-2-millones-196-mil-20180620-0105.html). The dollar is not rising at the same rate as the
hyperinflation caused by the mega-corruption of the regime. So an income in
dollars won't be a solution either if we don't find an immediate way out for
these criminals who run the country.
The economy
is only the first reflection of politics at all levels, not just in the
economic sphere. And that's the first thing the average Venezuelan feels: his
pocket. Even more so when the regime wants to have a communist system operating
in Venezuela, with the consequences we are suffering. That is why what we must
resolve first is the political and then enter into a program of economic adjustments.
That's the order of things. Every struggle that the national country carries
out must have only one and only one objective: to overthrow this system that a
few people are trying to impose on us because of the hunger of so many
Venezuelans. Not many in the world have done it with the communists, so the
challenge is tough.
Why do we
believe that the route we recently took using the path of the legitimate TSJ
operating in exile could be an expeditious way out of these criminals? There
are several reasons why we believe that. Let's see.
1.- The
disappointing picture of the Venezuelan opposition. There is no way for the
political parties gathered in the National Assembly to rationalize together
that we are missing the Republic. The criterion of their actions does not
correspond to the general interest of the population but to their next position
in power to hold office through a corrupt electoral system.
We must
accept this: we do not have an opposition with sufficient political maturity to
be able to perfect a common block to fight against the regime. If we ever did,
we're as far away from that as we can get right now. They talk about the
Chilean electoral solution without taking a walk through the fact that these
people first understood that they had to leave a dictatorship together. And
when there are still parties and leaders that have not even characterized what
is happening in Venezuela as a militarized communist narco-dictatorship, much
less will we have a common conscience to begin to figure out how to get out of
this ditch. At least Chileans had an electoral system in which the population
could still rely on, even while under a dictatorship. In our case we don't have
that because the communist dictatorship perverted the electoral system.
2.- The
abandonment of the opposition to the legitimate TSJ constituted abroad. After
appointing the magistrates of the Supreme Court of Justice to replace the
"express" magistrates appointed by the previous National Assembly in
December 2015, the new magistrates were persecuted by the regime, some of them
imprisoned under the military justice system, as in the case of Magistrate
Ángel Zerpa.
Although
the new magistrates have been appointed and sworn in by the National Assembly,
this institution is reluctant to recognize the High Court as institutionally
appropriate, even though it has been constituted as the Supreme Court of
Justice in exile to replace the illegitimate one operating in Caracas, given
the mass resignation of the Supreme Court of Justice of the regime before the
illegitimate National Constituent Assembly. This ignorance is demonstrated in
the communication dated May 7, 2018, when the NA addresses them as
"Citizen Magistrates of the Supreme Court of Justice appointed by the
National Assembly", to respond to the decision of the legitimate Supreme
Court of Justice dated May 3, 2018 (see communication of the National Assembly in
Spanish at https://twitter.com/asambleave/status/993653953538744327?lang=es.
Read that
there is a fundamental difference in this formalism here. The same National
Assembly that appointed them treats them as "Magistrates appointed by the
National Assembly", without giving them the necessary institutional
belligerence that has already been granted to the High Court constituted in
exile by the entire international community, the last very important one being
that of the newly elected President of Colombia, Iván Duque, who will invite
the legitimate TSJ in exile to his assumption of office (see Antonio Ledezma's
information in Spanish at https://twitter.com/alcaldeledezma/status/1012488143059193859?s=12). This official opposition has not
only abandoned the legitimate magistrates to their fate, but has also denied
them the institutional recognition that corresponds to them as an institution
capable of legitimately deciding on the future of the Nation.
3.- The
insistence of the official opposition on the electoral path. A few days ago
Henry Ramos Allup published a revealing note of what the “alligators” and main
leaders of the ruling opposition really think (see in Spanish, Unidad afectada
por violaciones a compromisos y acuerdos, en http://aperturaven.blogspot.com/2018/06/unidad-afectada-por-violaciones.html). In it, Ramos complains about the
failure of most of the MUD parties to comply with the "Unitary Commitment
to Governance" announced by them on July 19, 2017. It says that this route
remains valid for all signatories, and states, "We can assure you that it is the failure of some political
factors and individuals to live up to this commitment that has affected and
continues to affect unity. Or to put it another way: if the commitment not to
participate without electoral conditions had been respected and complied with
by everyone, Maduro would not be where he is today and the sketch of May 20
would not have taken place. In other words, if the agreement had been
respected, Venezuelans would have voted massively and elected a new President
of the Republic by an overwhelming majority”.
What part
of this dictatorship with all the kidnapped powers, especially the electoral
one, has Henry Ramos Allup not yet understood? Even if all the parties had
taken part in this fraud on 20 May, the result would still be the same: Maduro
"winner". That is the MUD's route despite a ruling by the legitimate
Electoral Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice on June 13, 2018 declaring
the use of automated voting and counting in Venezuela null and void. If the
MUD-Wide Front insists on that path, ignoring that ruling and still running in
elections with the regime, we would have to conclude that they are part of the
government.
Faced with
this devastating situation, we Venezuelans have no choice but to hope for a
miracle that will change things in the country. Because if what happens here
depended on this opposition leadership, which in one way or another is playing
at the implosion of the regime with the intervention of the Armed Forces, we
are leaving aside the fact that when something explodes or implodes, nobody
knows to whom the pieces will fall or who will be injured or killed, these are
completely fortuitous processes subject to the conditions and actors of the
moment. The fall
would not be controlled (see in Spanish, Caida controlada, en http://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/2017/05/caida-controlada.html)
y podríamos “amanecer de golpe” con cualquiera conduciendo el barco, con una
altísima probabilidad de que el “nuevo” que venga sea de uno de los mismos
factores –iguales o peores- del régimen actual que se disputan el poder.
And how to
make that fall of the regime well managed like the controlled demolition of a
building? Choosing the constitutional route. The desolation in which the
official Venezuelan opposition in the country finds itself disqualifies it as a
possible option to take the necessary decisions to take Venezuela out of the
ditch where it finds itself. We know that, but do the political leaders who
have brought us into it know that? An old executive adage indicates that the
one who is least qualified to solve a problem is precisely the one who has
caused it. And
that's our case.
The unprecedented
approach that we are promoting constitutionally is that who is responsible for
directing actions to solve the problem of seeking outlets to Venezuela is a National
Emergency Government Council appointed by the Supreme Court of Justice,
operating initially in exile, and counting with all the help and recognition
that the International Community can offer (see in Spanish, Solicitud ante el TSJ Legítimo, en https://tinyurl.com/y7x87ldb). The trial for corruption of Nicolás Maduro Moros and the situation of
kidnapping, ineptitude and submission of the official opposition in the
country, is giving the opportunity to take a momentous step in this fight to
liberate Venezuela from the communists as soon as possible. That is the route
of the legitimate TSJ. Let's support it ...
Caracas, June 30, 2018
Email: luismanuel.aguana@gmail.com
Twitter:@laguana
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