Suscribete a TICs & Derechos Humanos

4 questions for the destiny of Venezuela

By Luis Manuel Aguana

About 30 years ago, my professor of International Negotiation, Dr. Carlos Guerón, told us in class that you could not sit down to negotiate about God with Ayatolah Komeini. It was just not only stupid, but completely useless. Something similar is happening to us in these "negotiations" with the regime and the international community, acting as an intermediary because they want peace and quiet among Venezuelans.

But read well. One thing is the peace that our friends outside need that we have, and another very different may be what we Venezuelans need here. And here I want to be as precise as a scalpel. If Venezuela were in a situation that did not affect our neighbours on the continent, that is, people were not leaving en masse or we could pay our commitments without any problems, there could be a cemetery here and everyone outside would be calm. But who would be screwed up will be us.

And returning to Ayatolah Komeini, can anyone argue with a communist about the Bolshevik revolution, the assault on the Cuartel Moncada or that the imperialists did not assassinate Salvador Allende? Should we negotiate with drug traffickers and terrorists? Could we negotiate with those who wiped out our country like locusts and accept that, and leave in peace? Let's be serious.

Our friends in the International Community handle very respectable interests like everyone else, but there is a gap between accepting cemetery peace and the peace that comes from freedom and democracy. Of course there are nuances. On the one hand, we see Luis Almagro in the OAS on the side of the second peace, true peace, and on the other hand, the joker of the José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero regime, hoping that the rest of us Venezuelans will accept, as Florido and Borges have already accepted, the peace of the cemeteries.

Let our esteemed friends of the world understand it well: the only thing that can be negotiated with Nicolas Maduro and his thousand thieves are the terms of his departure from government. And that does not mean, as those who gave themselves up - not to say sold - that we should kill ourselves in a civil conflict, nor foreign intervention or accept constituent fraud.

It is not possible for deputies Luis Florido and Julio Borges representing their parties to negotiate the non-negotiable, which is nothing more than the will of 7.6 million Venezuelans who were given a precise mandate by the 16J that they decided to betray. They have neither the right nor the legitimacy to do so because we Venezuelans told them precisely the opposite. That's why Soy Venezuela is born because someone must assume that attitude in defense of those we democratically counted on 16J and because Venezuelans don't need someone to empower us to do it because democracy and freedom don't need investiture to be defended.

When asked by the International Community, what are the options? Well, there are. On October 28, the National Constituent Alliance proposed to the world a road to travel, which will again involve consulting Venezuelans about its titled destiny: “La solución reside en el pueblo soberano” (see with a letter addressed to deputies of the National Assembly (see  I will try to explain briefly what that path is. It's easy to understand. The path begins with the National Assembly, by simple majority of its members, calling for a Consultative Referendum based on Article 71 of the Constitution for Matters of Special National Transcendence in the terms indicated below:

1) Does it or not approve of the Venezuelans agreeing to a genuine process of reunion and national reconciliation, which will guarantee in peace the transformation and refoundation of the country, and avoid a painful confrontation between brothers with serious and irreparable consequences?

In the same spirit of the Colombian peace process, the Venezuelan people would be consulted about the end of a low-intensity conflict to which Venezuelans have been subjected by the discourse of separation and hatred initiated by Hugo Chávez Frías and which split us in two as a society. This process of reconciliation, reunification, transformation and reconstruction must be carried out within the framework of a scenario where all tendencies and sectors of the country are legitimately represented. In our opinion, this is the definition of a constituent process that originated in the context of a serious state of political confrontation, with a National Constituent Assembly as the setting.

2) Does it approve or not to declare dissolved the National Constituent Assembly summoned by the government and revoke and declare null and void all its decisions?

Although Maduro's National Constituent Assembly has been convoked inconstitutionally and is fraudulent in origin, because by means of "crime news" we learned that the CNE put in no less than one million ghost votes for it to look like we Venezuelans voted for that fraud, there were Venezuelans who legitimately attended the vote in that process, which could not be ignored by dismissing their vote. And although the TSJL (TSJ Legitimate) that sits outside Venezuela has ruled in favor of the elimination of that illegal and unconstitutional National Constituent Assembly, only the people of Venezuela can decide to confirm that dissolution of the fraudulent Constituent Assembly and declare its acts null and void, so that there is no doubt of anyone -officialists, opponents and the International Community- inside and outside Venezuela that this is the decision in itself.

3) Does it approve or not that the people of Venezuela, as depository of the original constituent power, have the initiative and convoke a legitimate National Constituent Assembly by Popular Initiative with Electoral Bases, which incorporate proportionally, the broadest citizen representation and the principle of universality of the vote? If positive, sign the attached Signature Collection Form.

Read well, we are NOT asking the people to support a constituent. We are consulting the people, as it should be, whether they want it or not, which are two very different things. And in case you want it, then sign the Collection of Signatures Form and approve the Electoral Bases that we will present, which guarantee proportional representation, the participation of all sectors of national life and the principle of universality of the vote. Because, although it is true that the people are one of those who can take the initiative to summon the Constituent Assembly in accordance with Article 348 of the Constitution, it must reach a minimum of 15% in order for that constituent consultation to be carried out in this same act. We in the National Constituent Alliance will advocate for convincing Venezuelans, as we have done in the last three years in our travels around the country, because we believe that a constitutional structural reform is necessary to bring about the materialization of a Decentralized Federal State and the discussion of a new post-oil country.

4) Does it approve or not that a legitimate Original National Constituent Assembly appoints a Transitional Government of National Unity and the Renewal of Public Powers in compliance with the mandate of the July 16 Popular Consultation?

This is the materialization of question No. 3 of the Popular Consultation of 16J. And it is extremely important because in this case it would no longer be the mandate that the National Assembly openly ignored, but rather a mandate of the people to the constituent citizens elected from an original National Constituent Assembly, so that body would not be disposing of the public powers alone, as it is already doing Maduro with the fraudulent constitutional spurious, but by express mandate of the People Depository of Sovereignty in a consultative referendum.

These 4 questions resolve three fundamental issues: a) the deviation of the regime that summoned without authorization of the people to a Constituent Assembly and all its unconstitutional acts; b) the immediate installation of a Government of National Union with the renewal of all the Public Powers, as it was ordered to the National Assembly on 16J; and c) the discussion of the country among all in a great reconciliatory dialogue of the Venezuelans and for the Venezuelans.

Why do we ask that this Consultative Referendum be initially processed by the CNE? Because that is the Electoral Power and it is the legal and constitutional obligation of the National Assembly to appoint it autonomously and give guarantees to all Venezuelans to carry out Authentic Elections in accordance with international standards. We won't stop here about why they're not doing it. It is our duty to apply for it properly and we have done so much in the Communiqué "The solution lies with the sovereign people" and the letter addressed to the National Assembly on 6 November. But if they do not do so, the National Constituent Alliance will inform the country of the steps that will continue thereafter.

That's the route, not another. Those 4 questions will define the destiny of Venezuela, and according to them the proposal is that it be the brave people, the one with the hymn, who will end up solving their own grave situation, not those who caused it in 1998, which are mostly the same people who are selling us in the Dominican Republic. If that brave people did it in the past in 1811, going through a war where they put the dead, they will do it again now because they has been putting them in the same way for a long time.

Caracas, November 23, 2017


No hay comentarios:

Publicar un comentario