By Luis Manuel Aguana
In June of last year, a group of committed Venezuelans, among whom I had
the honor to participate, introduced a request before the legitimate Supreme
Court for this High Court to proceed with the appointment of a National
Emergency Governing Council, with the aim of restoring constitutional and
democratic order in Venezuela (see complete application at https://tinyurl.com/y7x87ldb). That request was due to
the fact that at that time it was absolutely necessary, as it continues to be
now, for Venezuela to have a leadership on which to rest the leadership of the
Venezuelan opposition, given the scandalous failure of the National Assembly to
appoint a legitimate government in Venezuela. Like ours, other similar requests
from Venezuelans inside and outside the country were added.
One of
the main reasons why this request, nor any of the others, crystallized in a
National Emergency Government that in exile led the opposition struggle at that
time, was the intense pressure that the deputies who were members of the board
of directors of the National Assembly carried out to avoid this decision,
threatening even the Magistrates that they might think of acting independently (see
my note of August 16, 2018, A Sovereign's Decision, in http://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/p/a-sovereigns-decision.html).
What were
we really looking for with this decision of the legitimate Supreme Court: that
a government be appointed outside of the interests and political corruption
that from the National Assembly harboured factors closely linked in one way or
another to the regime. That Venezuela could count on a Transitional Government
that was truly independent and that put the dislocated institutionality of the
country back on the rule of law track. That personalities be appointed that all
Venezuelans respect, of unquestionable probity and to all proof, with
sufficient State experience to lead this ship that waters everywhere, to a safe
port, so that after a deep reconstruction, it could be placed again in the
ocean of politics, through an authentically free electoral process.
What
ended up happening? That the National Assembly delayed the decision-making
process until January 5, 2019, with the designation of a new legislature that
hardly, and pushed by the Venezuelan people ended up appointing a President in
Charge on January 23. What we wanted to happen in the first semester of 2018
did happen, but halfway through the following year, with the Law of the Statute
for the Transition, the adefesio with which the National Assembly governs and
all those politicians committed to interests far removed from those of the
Venezuelan people, which we wanted to avoid at all costs. Of course, since a
legitimate government did exist, the entire international community turned to
recognize it, as we had hoped it would if the legitimate Supreme Court had
designated it.
Although
it is true that the Emergency Government in the terms requested to the
legitimate TSJ did not materialize, we trust at that moment that the political
conduction of the process carried out by Juan Guaidó as Head of State, even
when mediated by the Law of the Statute for the Transition, could effectively
lead us to an orderly exit from the regime, seeing the citizen pressure and the
solid support given to his investiture by the citizens and by the main poles of
power and democratic States of the West, as was the case of the Government of
the United States and the Organization of American States.
Without
knowing in all its depth the agreement reached by the opposition leadership
with the members of the high government of Maduro to specify the Cessation of
Usurpation, since the document of 15 points whose existence has been
corroborated by statements of the Elliott Abrams himself, special
representative of the Department of State, the country could know through the
portal Armando.info the details of the operation of 30A, that if it had been
successful, the TSJ of Maikel Moreno and the High Military Command of Vladimir
Padrino would be intact (see in Spanish, La Conjura de los Testaferros, in https://armando.info/Reportajes/Details/2556), formalizing a
union that we already knew existed as a concubinage.
According to the report "La Conjura de los Testaferros", which
describes in detail the succession of events of April 30, Gorrín's money and
the corruption of the actors in this montage had much to do with the
arrangement of marras with the regime and its opposition actors. This only
reaffirms the complicity that we have often denounced on both sides with
tyranny and explains why we have not come out of it, taking care of both sides
interests that are common to them. If that movement of 30A had been successful,
the interests of all would have been safeguarded, with the same High Command of
Padrino and TSJ of Moreno remaining, leaving the "recovery" of
democracy resting on the corruption of both factors. In fact it would have been
Disneyland's formalized corruption in co-government.
This would also explain the persistent refusal of the deputies to reject
cooperation from abroad to end the violation of human rights of Venezuelans.
They do not want to do it because a root out of the regime, would also ruin the
business of their opposition counterparts associated with their shadow, showing
who are and who are not in everything that has happened in Venezuela in the
latter 20 years.
The worst part of all this is that many of those who decide to approve
Article 187 numeral 11 in the National Assembly are complicit in this
unfortunate situation. Even those who should accept that we are in a state of
emergency that merits the application of the principle of the Responsibility to
Protect (R2P) to the Venezuelan people, from the clear violations to Human
Rights and crimes of against Humanity committed by Nicolás Maduro Moros, do not
accept it because they are hiding links and common interests with the regime.
So we Venezuelans need that whoever is at the forefront of the
opposition struggle must necessarily be completely detached from all that
garbage, and at the moment of a very possible humanitarian intervention by the
International Community, can govern a transition without the macabre influence
of those who have prevaricated with the money of the Nation, accompanied by
Venezuelans of the stature we were looking for when we tried to appeal for the
designation of a government from the legitimate TSJ in exile.
Given the certain possibility of a humanitarian intervention of the
country by the legitimate request of Venezuelans to demand the Responsibility
to Protect (R2P) to the world, the Deputy President of the National Assembly
and President in Charge Juan Guaido, has after the failed attempt of 30A, the
obligation to separate definitively from the undesirable factors described
above, even if they are from the same party, and act independently, to conduct
a transition in a transparent manner.
This is something that we Venezuelans demand after seeing that show
offered on 30A which was intended to put at the forefront of the recovery of
the country precisely to those who have destroyed it. In a new opportunity it
would be very serious another attempt of Operation Freedom that does not bring
about the liberation and subjugation of those who have murdered, tortured and
violated the human rights of Venezuelans, handing over the wealth of our
territory to the detriment of the people. I hope that the President in charge
will take advantage of it, because the country is demanding it and may not have
any other...
Caracas, May 10, 2019
Email:
luismanuel.aguana@gmail.com
Twitter:@laguana
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