Suscribete a TICs & Derechos Humanos

Guaidó's other opportunity

By Luis Manuel Aguana

In June of last year, a group of committed Venezuelans, among whom I had the honor to participate, introduced a request before the legitimate Supreme Court for this High Court to proceed with the appointment of a National Emergency Governing Council, with the aim of restoring constitutional and democratic order in Venezuela (see complete application at That request was due to the fact that at that time it was absolutely necessary, as it continues to be now, for Venezuela to have a leadership on which to rest the leadership of the Venezuelan opposition, given the scandalous failure of the National Assembly to appoint a legitimate government in Venezuela. Like ours, other similar requests from Venezuelans inside and outside the country were added.

One of the main reasons why this request, nor any of the others, crystallized in a National Emergency Government that in exile led the opposition struggle at that time, was the intense pressure that the deputies who were members of the board of directors of the National Assembly carried out to avoid this decision, threatening even the Magistrates that they might think of acting independently (see my note of August 16, 2018, A Sovereign's Decision, in

What were we really looking for with this decision of the legitimate Supreme Court: that a government be appointed outside of the interests and political corruption that from the National Assembly harboured factors closely linked in one way or another to the regime. That Venezuela could count on a Transitional Government that was truly independent and that put the dislocated institutionality of the country back on the rule of law track. That personalities be appointed that all Venezuelans respect, of unquestionable probity and to all proof, with sufficient State experience to lead this ship that waters everywhere, to a safe port, so that after a deep reconstruction, it could be placed again in the ocean of politics, through an authentically free electoral process.

What ended up happening? That the National Assembly delayed the decision-making process until January 5, 2019, with the designation of a new legislature that hardly, and pushed by the Venezuelan people ended up appointing a President in Charge on January 23. What we wanted to happen in the first semester of 2018 did happen, but halfway through the following year, with the Law of the Statute for the Transition, the adefesio with which the National Assembly governs and all those politicians committed to interests far removed from those of the Venezuelan people, which we wanted to avoid at all costs. Of course, since a legitimate government did exist, the entire international community turned to recognize it, as we had hoped it would if the legitimate Supreme Court had designated it.

Although it is true that the Emergency Government in the terms requested to the legitimate TSJ did not materialize, we trust at that moment that the political conduction of the process carried out by Juan Guaidó as Head of State, even when mediated by the Law of the Statute for the Transition, could effectively lead us to an orderly exit from the regime, seeing the citizen pressure and the solid support given to his investiture by the citizens and by the main poles of power and democratic States of the West, as was the case of the Government of the United States and the Organization of American States.

Without knowing in all its depth the agreement reached by the opposition leadership with the members of the high government of Maduro to specify the Cessation of Usurpation, since the document of 15 points whose existence has been corroborated by statements of the Elliott Abrams himself, special representative of the Department of State, the country could know through the portal the details of the operation of 30A, that if it had been successful, the TSJ of Maikel Moreno and the High Military Command of Vladimir Padrino would be intact (see in Spanish, La Conjura de los Testaferros, in, formalizing a union that we already knew existed as a concubinage.

According to the report "La Conjura de los Testaferros", which describes in detail the succession of events of April 30, Gorrín's money and the corruption of the actors in this montage had much to do with the arrangement of marras with the regime and its opposition actors. This only reaffirms the complicity that we have often denounced on both sides with tyranny and explains why we have not come out of it, taking care of both sides interests that are common to them. If that movement of 30A had been successful, the interests of all would have been safeguarded, with the same High Command of Padrino and TSJ of Moreno remaining, leaving the "recovery" of democracy resting on the corruption of both factors. In fact it would have been Disneyland's formalized corruption in co-government.

This would also explain the persistent refusal of the deputies to reject cooperation from abroad to end the violation of human rights of Venezuelans. They do not want to do it because a root out of the regime, would also ruin the business of their opposition counterparts associated with their shadow, showing who are and who are not in everything that has happened in Venezuela in the latter 20 years.

The worst part of all this is that many of those who decide to approve Article 187 numeral 11 in the National Assembly are complicit in this unfortunate situation. Even those who should accept that we are in a state of emergency that merits the application of the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to the Venezuelan people, from the clear violations to Human Rights and crimes of against Humanity committed by Nicolás Maduro Moros, do not accept it because they are hiding links and common interests with the regime.

So we Venezuelans need that whoever is at the forefront of the opposition struggle must necessarily be completely detached from all that garbage, and at the moment of a very possible humanitarian intervention by the International Community, can govern a transition without the macabre influence of those who have prevaricated with the money of the Nation, accompanied by Venezuelans of the stature we were looking for when we tried to appeal for the designation of a government from the legitimate TSJ in exile.

Given the certain possibility of a humanitarian intervention of the country by the legitimate request of Venezuelans to demand the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to the world, the Deputy President of the National Assembly and President in Charge Juan Guaido, has after the failed attempt of 30A, the obligation to separate definitively from the undesirable factors described above, even if they are from the same party, and act independently, to conduct a transition in a transparent manner.

This is something that we Venezuelans demand after seeing that show offered on 30A which was intended to put at the forefront of the recovery of the country precisely to those who have destroyed it. In a new opportunity it would be very serious another attempt of Operation Freedom that does not bring about the liberation and subjugation of those who have murdered, tortured and violated the human rights of Venezuelans, handing over the wealth of our territory to the detriment of the people. I hope that the President in charge will take advantage of it, because the country is demanding it and may not have any other...

Caracas, May 10, 2019


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