By Luis Manuel Aguana
After watching the videos made
public with the deplorable images of Juan Requesens, submitted by the regime's
political police, the country's 100 years of regression are confirmed, not only
in what is visibly evident in the destruction of its physical plant, but also
in its ethical and moral degradation. The only difference that could exist
between what the henchmen of Juan Vicente Gómez did in the Rotunda and the
Castle of Puerto Cabello and what Nicolás Maduro's SEBIN/DGCIM does is that we
can now perceive live-direct or delayed in a digital medium the misdeeds
committed by the regime of Nicolás Maduro against the human rights of political
prisoners.
The years of democratic coexistence
and freedom had succeeded in putting the "know how" of the torturers
into oblivion. But that was no problem for Nicolas Maduro. The Cuban regime
sent people who knew about these macabre techniques, now updated, and whose
expertise comes from the Soviet KGB and the East German Stazi, seasoned by the
experience of almost 60 years of subduing the noble Cuban people. That's why we
see in the videos a Juan Requesens drugged, naked, covered in excrement,
completely robotic, saying and doing what he wanted to the henchmen who guard
him.
If, after this spectacle, any of the
collaborationist parties of the official opposition dares to deny that there is
a dictatorial regime here that violates human rights, that it cannot be fought
with the traditional methods of democracy, that it withdraws from politics or
that it registers with the PSUV. With these videos, which are nothing more than
a small demonstration of what they really do to the political prisoners in
those dungeons, the regime spilled the drop that was missing by giving
Venezuelans who do not accept their form of government a carte blanche to fight
it, without stopping in which method to use to displace it, according to the
convictions of each one. Hence, they are already being openly discussed in
television programs abroad, which will continue with the attacks on Maduro and
the regime's principals, no matter what happens along the way. That is the open
declaration of the beginning of political violence in Venezuela.
When we are at the gates of that
madness that we know when it begins (in fact it has already begun) but not when
it ends (Colombia has been at it for more than 50 years), it is pertinent to
stop and analyze what options we Venezuelans have before the demons are
unleashed.
Indeed, we Venezuelans are without
democratic solutions to this crisis. We wanted to think that by voting
peacefully we could solve the problems with an orderly and democratic change of
government. And that's why we hear the siren calls of the collaborationist
opposition. Unfortunately, they were deceived and they deceived us. And now
they intend to continue using this deception to continue to suck on the State's
tit for the sake of elected offices negotiated in the regime next December. In
this way the regime buys the opposition to stay in power.
One by one, it has cut the way for a
democratic, peaceful and constitutional solution. As a result, they have become
entrenched in power and have openly stated that they will not leave it despite
the fact that the people have expressed their will for change through a
plebiscite on July 16, 2017. According to The Economist, “By blocking democratic change and by failing to
halt Venezuela’s decline, Mr Maduro has made himself vulnerable to removal by
force.” (see https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2018/08/09/a-failed-drone-attack-shows-that-nicolas-maduro-is-vulnerable).
The implementation of the Castro
model in Venezuela has accelerated the economic crisis by several orders of
magnitude, having destroyed the oil industry and the country's productive
apparatus, causing the highest hyperinflation seen on the planet. For this
situation alone, which has led our country to a catastrophe far greater than
that caused by a war, some Venezuelans have sentenced Nicolás Maduro to death.
Is there any other option than to
dismiss Maduro in a low-intensity war that the same regime has declared to us
Venezuelans, that all we want is to live and develop in peace, democracy and
freedom? I think I do. If Maduro and his regime insist on entrenching
themselves in power by force, contrary to the desire expressed by Venezuelans,
sooner or later an attack will succeed. There can be no doubt about that for
the regime. Other heads of government died in attacks with better security
conditions than those displayed by the Maduro regime on Saturday, August 4. But
that will not guarantee us Venezuelans that the ruinous Cuban communist hunger
system will leave Venezuela.
In fact, if that attack on Saturday,
August 4, had been successful, Delsy Rodriguez (who was suspiciously not on
that stage with Maduro) would have taken over the power and probably, in a new
rigged CNE election, we would have in our future, 30 days later, another head
of government much worse than Maduro. I leave it to your imagination who it
might have been.
What other options do we have? I
think that waiting for the final decision of the trial of Nicolás Maduro for
his own corruption and money laundering, which is currently being followed by
the legitimate Supreme Court of Justice in exile, could give him a non-violent
way out. Let's see.
Given the forcefulness of the
evidence presented in the public hearings of the trial held in Bogotá by the
legitimate Attorney General of the Republic, Luisa Ortega Díaz, the citizen
Nicolás Maduro Moros will undoubtedly be found guilty of the charges against
him, thus ratifying the absolute absence of the person exercising the first
Magistracy of the country by the legitimate Supreme Court.
This transcendental fact, which
should occur in the coming days, will force the legitimate Supreme Court to
assume the responsibility of appointing a National Emergency Government in
exile, by virtue of the open refusal of the National Assembly to do so, not
only because of the collaboration shown by its Board of Directors but also
because of the open kidnapping of the institution by the regime and the
persecution and imprisonment of its deputies, as was effectively demonstrated
in the case of the summary raid on Juan Requesens' parliamentary immunity by an
illegitimate body such as the Constituent Assembly they manage.
By appointing a National Emergency
Governing Council, the legitimate Supreme Court of Justice would be generating
a new constitutional Executive Power for Venezuela, with broad powers for the
appointment of a Cabinet, as well as ambassadors to the most important
headquarters in the world (OAS, UN, United States, European Community, etc.).
This Executive Power in exile would have the full recognition of the civilized
world that has rejected the Maduro regime and its unconstitutional Constituent
Assembly. From that moment on, Maduro and his regime would no longer be
considered a valid government in the eyes of the world, but robbers who
assaulted the power that must be evicted.
Likewise, this Executive Branch,
with its powers, could perfectly well make use of all the international
assistance treaties to put pressure on those who hold de facto power in
Venezuela for the application of humanitarian intervention, which they would be
in a position to coordinate from outside. Either the Maduro regime negotiates
its exit, that of the Cubans and the rest of the forces they have brought into
the country, or it would call for the establishment of an international advance
party to restore democracy in Venezuela, as happened with Haiti in 1994 (see UN
Security Council Resolution 940 of 1994, "Approval
of the establishment of a UNIH advance party to restore democracy in Haiti and
the prompt return of the legitimately elected President and the authorities of
the Government of Haiti, and extension of the mandate of UNMIH" http://www.un.org/es/comun/docs/?symbol=S/RES/940%20(1994) ). According to
this precedent, there is no impediment for the UN Security Council not to do
the same in the case of Venezuela, because there would already be a
legitimate government of Venezuelans in exile to hand over power
to.
So if there is another way of
thinking about Maduro's and the regime's exit beyond committing a crime,
however justified it may seem. This response is very much a Venezuelan response
and the way in which they want instant solutions to complex problems, which has
led us to create "institutions" as deeply rooted in our culture as
food, transport and public service operatives.
This way of dealing with problems,
which we might well call the Venezuelan way of dealing
with them, may serve to "solve" them at the moment, but it does not
correct the underlying problem but rather aggravates it. This solution to the
Venezuelan problem of dismissing Maduro without solving the structural problem
would prolong our suffering. We all got into this problem wanting to get out of
the political situation we know so well, with a military coup leader who ruined
our lives and our country. Let us not make that monumental mistake again, and
even if it costs us a little more time and suffering, we must have the patience
to resolve it in the right and structured way, so as not to cause a worse
situation than we already have.
Caracas,
August 12, 2018
Email: luismanuel.aguana@gmail.com
Twitter:@laguana
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