By Luis Manuel Aguana
There has
been a whole discussion on social networks about the Amnesty Bill that in my
opinion has not yet had to take place in Venezuela, but which has been a direct
consequence of how the official opposition has assumed the transcendental issue
of the political transition in Venezuela.
Let us all
be clear first of all: the official opposition, days before the events of
January 23, 2019, when Juan Guaidó on a platform decided to take over the
Presidency of the Republic at the request of the Venezuelan people, had already
decided in an Agreement on January 15 how that transition would take place.
They decided to go for the slow solution of the negotiation with the regime,
let's call it a negotiated solution, because that was the way to save the necks
of many who have collaborated from that opposition, trying to convince the
regime's supporters - read the military - to switch sides and depose Maduro.
Some
Venezuelans immediately rejected that negotiated solution, not only because it
was unconstitutional, when the National Assembly assumed the powers of the
President of the Republic, in an attempt to evade the constitutional mandate to
fill the Institutional Power Vacuum with the open designation of a President in
Charge of the Republic, but because they prevented the Power Vacuum from being
filled by the legitimate Supreme Court of Justice in exile. That would have been
catastrophic for them.
Well, they
did. And they left in a limbo negotiator with the regime that transition
getting away with it. That's how things came on January 23 and the G4 parties
(AD-PJ-UNT-VP) wanted to let that date pass without swearing in a President in
Charge. But the young Guaidó came and watered down the agreement, accepting
without consulting them their charge before the country. That is why no one
from that Directive stood to applaud the initiative, leaving the President to
take charge in a way that remained for history as a "self-proclamation"
in the worst Carmona style, when from January 10 Guaidó was already President
from the constitutional point of view. That has given our enemies inside and
outside the country arguments to dispatch that he was not sworn according to
the law and the constitution. What was the problem, after the fulfilled facts,
that the Directive swore him in the same act as the Venezuelan people shouted?
Ask the G4, because they have not yet carried out the protocol act in the
Hemicycle of the National Assembly.
That decision
of Juan Guaidó instantly changed the perspective from having a slow and
negotiated solution to a quick and precipitate one, let's call it an immediate
solution, with the consequent unrestricted support of the entire International
Community. And that last one is the one that has always suited us Venezuelans,
but not those who have collaborated with the regime, putting Guaidó and his VP
party on a very difficult line between being crushed by the people who require
Maduro to leave immediately and an Agreement that requires him to leave little
by little. You will tell me that it suits us Venezuelans better.
And that's
where you start to understand that famous Amnesty Law, which was designed to
negotiate with the regime within that slow-motion solution of that Transitional
Parliamentary Agreement signed on January 15, when we didn't have the full
support of the U.S. cannons.
Even giving
Henry Ramos Allup the benefit of the doubt of a negotiation with half regime
within a transitional government, as his detailed explanation of how this
parliamentarian considers a transition should be made says (see Ramos Allup
talks about the "transition", in https://youtu.be/zzudMxJGnVU, min 0:52), because according to
that we would have no way of preventing the regime from lasting, how would that
be justified now if the situation changed 180 degrees in one day and we do not
need it? We don't have to put half a regime into a transitional government
because there is enough international support to get them all into a U.S.
prison just by asking for it.
What now
justifies a negotiated solution and not an immediate solution? The possible
dead or the neck of the collaborators? The dead are already there every day in
hospitals, on the streets, in maternity wards, in prisons, everywhere. What is
more, there is no justification for a single more march for them to leave,
because it exposes our sons to death, at the hands of the armed facineros of
these criminals. The mere request for international help from a legitimate and
constitutional President in Charge, recognised by the whole planet, would be
more than enough to evict them and imprison them for what they have done to the
country.
So what
seems to delay the departure of Maduro and his thousand thieves is something
else that has more to do with the interests of that group that wants a
negotiated solution and not the interests of the Venezuelan people. The
permanence of Nicolás Maduro in Miraflores with all the support received by
Juan Guaidó is no longer justified. What media is a decision of his, of no one
else.
So an
Amnesty Law in that context IS AFTER, with Maduro and his regime out of power,
not before. Because if before it could be justified because the politicians of
the official opposition wanted to "negotiate" pardons in a negotiated
solution, at this moment IT IS NO LONGER JUSTIFIED, with the main power of the
world backing with facts and cannons the constitutional legality of Venezuela.
Juan Guaidó is a phone call away from taking the dictator out of power who
would only have room to negotiate the color of the orange braga he will be put
in prison, parodying the joke of the color of the Liberator's white horse.
The gravity
of what has happened in Venezuela amply justifies a Nuremberg-style tribunal
that decides whether or not to grant amnesty to anyone and provide justice to
all those who have fallen, been tortured and murdered in this horrible time
that has not yet ended in our contemporary history. Juan Guaidó was touched by
the Divine Grace of God and not by anything else, the highest responsibility to
immediately end this tragedy and begin a new time of reconstruction and
reconciliation. I insist as I did yesterday, we still hope that you will not
disappoint us...
Caracas,
January 28, 2019
Email: luismanuel.aguana@gmail.com
Twitter:@laguana
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