The example of Argentina

By Luis Manuel Aguana

Versión en español

Comparisons between the candidatures of Javier Milei in Argentina and María Corina Machado (MCM) in Venezuela have begun to circulate in the social networks. And although comparisons are sometimes odious, I think it is important to mention that both candidacies are facing the overwhelming power of two States, which, respecting the distances, respond to the Latin American domination strategies of the international left, whose main exponent is the famous Forum of São Paulo.

However, beyond that, there are fundamental differences. The Argentine State has not reached the institutional rottenness of the Venezuelan State, at least as regards the shameless hijacking of institutions such as the electoral one, which may still exist a situation in which a character like Milei, who comes out of nowhere, can challenge the two major party poles and win in the largest proportion the open, simultaneous and mandatory primaries (PASO), becoming the first option to win the upcoming presidential elections in that country (see Distribution of votes in the primary elections (PASO) in Argentina in 2023, by candidate, in  https://es.statista.com/estadisticas/1405438/resultado-oficial-de-las-elecciones-primarias-paso-de-argentina/).

Milei's frontal and open speech against what he defined as the "political caste" of Argentina, not only the government, but also the official opposition of that country, has been the key to explain this phenomenon that has the world's eyes on Argentina. It is perfectly possible to compare this political caste in Argentina with the Venezuelan one and we would not find any difference between them (see The “polítical caste” in  Venezuela, in https://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/p/the-political-caste-in-venezuela.html).

Consequently, Milei's proposals are in line with the damage that this political caste has produced for more than 100 years in the institutional structure of the country and in the welfare of Argentines. Javier Milei begins his proposals by explaining that the first thing to be done is a reform of the State: "The first thing we will be describing is the reform of the State. The Argentine State is the main cause of the impoverishment of Argentines, not only because of its elephantine size, which makes it unaffordable, but also because of the tangle of regulations that arise from each of the state offices that hinder the functioning of the economy. The function of the State is not to meddle in every aspect of the lives of individuals, neither for better nor for worse. The function of the State is to protect fundamental rights, that is, to protect the right to life, liberty and property. That is why our first government action will be to promote a complete reform of the State in order to return to the State model we had before Kirchnerism came to power..." (see in Spanish Javier Milei's proposals, in https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8cJcNBUjfZA)(highlighted by us).

However, in today's Venezuela, our main bet for the change of our political reality, unlike Milei, is not based on a change of the structures of the State and consequently, on the displacement of all those who have enriched themselves from that reality -of the regime and the opposition- but on the electoral defeat of Castro-Chavism-Madurism, leaving aside the fact that for this to be sustainable, it is required immediately and from day one, as in the Argentine case, a much bigger reform of the State than the one proposed by Milei, with a depth that covers the whole Venezuelan constitutional structure. Without Argentina having reached the level of destruction that Venezuela has reached, the first thing that the main candidate to get out of its own Castro-Chavism-Madurism, Kirchnerism, puts forward is to start with a reform of the State. In both approaches lies a fundamental difference that defines strategies and political messages.

It is clear that "getting out of the regime" is a very important message for Venezuelans who have suffered for more than 20 years the physical, moral and institutional destruction of the country. But although it is necessary to express that, it is by no means enough. Respecting the distances between both societies, the Argentinean and the Venezuelan, the clear message explaining the "what" and then explaining in detail the "how", in the voice of candidate Milei himself (I recommend you to watch the full video of his proposal above), has decisively dragged the vote of Argentines, and especially that of young people, who are fed up with statist policies that have not worked anywhere in the world, causing hyperinflation and rampant poverty.

Argentina's electoral system still seems to be healthy enough to elect a character with Javier Milei's ideas, but in Venezuela the case is completely different. Almost 24 years of destruction have taken their toll in Venezuela, and especially in our electoral reality, to the point of doubting that even if there is a confident observation by the International Community for the 2024 elections, the new electoral arbiter, the CNE, has been flawed since its birth with a composition agreed between the regime and its complacent opposition: "This was a direct negotiation between chavismo with Manuel Rosales and Henry Ramos Allup in representation of their own groups, but with the consent of the MUD. This means that the so-called Unitary Platform to avoid public questioning left Ramos Allup free to advance the selective and bilateral agreements with chavismo up to proposing a member in the new CNE..." (see in Spanish La Razón, Humberto González Briceño, El Nuevo CNE chavista no es para espantar votos sino para un megafraude, in https://larazon.net/2023/08/el-nuevo-cne-chavista-no-es-para-espantar-votos-sino-para-un-megafraude/).

In view of this reality, will it continue to be the opposition's strategy to run for elections with these criminals, without first mediating a confrontation? The regime has already raised this confrontation by initiating a new persecution against Antonio Ledezma for indicating in an interview "that the only way to be able to carry out the registration of a woman who is being vetoed by the regime is to launch civil disobedience..." (see The meaning of a slogan, in https://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/p/the-meaning-of-slogan.html).

The example of Argentina should at least be enough for us to consider reformulating the opposition's approach to the country, including in it a necessary reform of the State. The changes proposed by Milei do not require a constitutional reform, such as the reduction of the size of the State with privatizations or the elimination of Ministries and institutions such as the Central Bank. But in Venezuela, the necessary changes represent a convocation of the Original Power through a Constitutional process.

The Venezuelan State, unlike the Argentinean one, needs to be re-founded from its foundations (see ANCO, the whys and wherefores of a Constituent Assembly, in  https://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/p/anco-whys-and-wherefores-of-constituent.html),  lacking in any proposal that has been put forward so far to confront the monstrosity that governs us, to start, as Milei proposes, with that key piece that will allow it to sustain itself over time..

If MCM's option manages to prevail over the collaborationist maneuvers of the false opposition, it will be difficult for her triumph not to materialize in a presidential candidacy, because that fact alone would bring down the regime. Hence, all the institutional force of the criminal State led by Maduro is now aimed at preventing MCM from becoming the official candidate of the opposition in Venezuela. They and their collaborators will do everything necessary to stop her.

If the above were to happen, what would be outlined then would be the definitive political redefinition of who is the opposition and who is not in Venezuela, beyond the choice of an "opposition candidate", even if the collaborationist forces of the official opposition rise, through the regime, with a complacent "opposition candidacy", which every day that passes points more and more towards Manuel Rosales. At that point, at least we would be much closer to the example of Argentina, with a real and clear opposition against the criminals and their scorpions who wish to continue in power. That fact would set a new course for the future of the opposition struggle in Venezuela...

Caracas, August 30, 2023

Blog: TIC’s & Derechos Humanos, https://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/

Email: luismanuel.aguana@gmail.com

Twitter:@laguana

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