By Luis Manuel Aguana
When you lose your way, you have to go back to the principles. That
maxim has worked for me many times when I have strayed into the middle of this
struggle with the regime and discovered ourselves hitting the wrong wall,
devoting time, effort and absolutely scarce resources to things that are not
aimed at attacking the very essence of the problem, and that take us off the
road to the true goal.
And it is the case that the fundamental question we must be asking ourselves
here -again- is not whether we are going against the consequences of the
disaster they have caused (hyperinflation, famine, shortages of all kinds,
violence and increased criminality) but against those who have caused it, since
by eliminating the causes the consequences are immediately suppressed. Whatever
President Juan Guaidó and his team do should be in the line of eliminating the
origin of evil, but unfortunately we note that this is not the case.
If Maduro's regime is "a
joint criminal enterprise made up of 183 people, 205 corporations and 26
countries". (see in Spanish AlbertoNews, https://albertonews.com/nacionales/regimen-de-maduro-es-una-empresa-criminal-conjunta-conformada-por-183-personas-205-corporaciones-y-26-paises/) then those of us
who are struggling to eliminate this evil from Venezuela must be very clear
about what should be done with it and seek the necessary help to eliminate it.
Crime cannot be negotiated with, it must be eliminated at the root, detecting
and suppressing the sources that give it life. This defines a line of conduct
based on a fundamental principle. Hence the famous phrase “with terrorism you
do not negotiate”. That is why we must return to those principles.
But it seems that this principle is still not clear to those who lead
the opposition actions, starting with the President in Charge himself. And
that's what I saw with the twisted issue of the official opposition meeting in
Norway. All of us, without exception, are engaged in a "dialogue"
knowing that it would take us absolutely nowhere because that step shows that
the nature of evil is unclear. So why wear ourselves out? Why put Venezuela in
that direction? We mentioned the answer in a previous note: The President in
Charge and his people oppose a humanitarian intervention even though the country
cries out for it (see Liberation or
cohabitation, in http://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/p/liberation-or-cohabitation.html)
Having already discovered the strategy of the official opposition in
relation to how to arrive at the "Cessation of Usurpation" (not now,
after the third cake in Norway, but from 23F) that is, to negotiate in some way
with Maduro and his delinquents, what should now move us Venezuelans who
believe that a transition is not possible with delinquents, their regime or
both, is to influence what we believe would correspond to the Venezuelan
solution, and that seem to be the only possible courses of action from now on:
a) To press for the opposition political leadership to understand that
no more time can be wasted waiting for the famous "collapse of the Armed
Forces" because the Armed Forces are the praetorian guard of a cartel of
international criminals and immediately decide to request external help, and
that the National Assembly authorizes what is established in the 187#11
Constitutional, demanding the R2P from the International Community;
b) If the pressure described in a) is unsuccessful, either because the
regime or its collaborators prevent, by the means we all know, rational
principled decision-making, then the problem would be focused on seeking to get
decision-makers, including the President-in-Charge, to synchronize with what
the citizenry is demanding. In this sense, the Directive of the National
Assembly cannot continue kidnapping in a sectarian manner the Power that the
people gave to that body as a whole through its President, Juan Guaidó Márquez,
based on Article 233 of the Constitution. The Statute of the Transition cannot
be a kind of corset where all Venezuelans are involved.
On the other hand, I don't think it's a solution to insult or denigrate
Juan Guaidó and his team, for more reasons - valid or not - than you can have,
for all the failed attempts made since January 23. That energy should rather be
used to unlock the way to a solution to the problem. Personally, I demand that
Guaidó act based on the principles that made him be invested by the Venezuelan
people on the 23E and that from this tribune he had been requesting for nearly
a year for the appointment of a National Emergency Government through the
Supreme Court of Legitimate Justice in exile (see my note of 4 June 2018, Beyond
a National Emergency Government, in http://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/p/beyond-national-emergency-government.html).
The citizens deputies of the National Assembly, elected on 6D-2015,
recognized as a whole by the International Community as the only legitimate
institution in the country, are responsible, by action or omission, for
everything that Juan Guaidó and his group are doing. The National Assembly
assumed, through the Transition Statute, the constitutional powers of the
Executive Power, and although everyone is now blaming Juan Guaidó for all the
errors committed so far, it is the National Assembly as a whole that is called
upon to correct them.
And that's where I want to put the emphasis. It seems that once Juan
Guaidó was invested with power as President in Charge, the National Assembly as
an institution disengaged from the problem leaving him alone with the
responsibility. Well, it's not like that. They are all co-responsible before
the Venezuelans, since the decisions they are taking as Executive Power are
shared proportionally among all of them. And if this is so, they are also
co-responsible for the same proportion of the consequences. That is why every
insult that Guaidó receives must be distributed proportionally among all the
deputies of that Assembly.
Now, someone will say to me, "but well, it was the Directive that
assumed the Power". Bad business for the rest of the Deputies and
Venezuelans as a whole, since if the Assembly assumed the responsibilities as a
collegiate body, they should also share the decisions among all its members,
not just the Board. That should then open the possibility of a government
shared among all fractions, because what we have seen so far is a government of
the heart of the Directive of the National Assembly taking the worst decisions
to achieve the "Cessation of Usurpation", even with voice and vote of
political leaders who are not part of the National Assembly.
In the same way, Venezuelans should demand from their deputies the
participation of civil society in making those decisions that concern us all
for the eviction of Maduro because that is provided for in the Statute of
Transition that the deputies unanimously approved (Article 16.6). Based on the
foregoing, I proposed in a previous note that a Governing Council should be
constituted. (see Government Coincil, in https://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/p/blog-page_61.html) where all the
mourners of Venezuela are truly represented in order to achieve a united
"Cessation of Usurpation". This is a matter of principle. Maduro
wants to advance parliamentary elections because he knows that it is in the
National Assembly where he can put a stop to his crimes. There is time to
solve, so what are we waiting for?
Caracas, May 31,
2019
Email:
luismanuel.aguana@gmail.com
Twitter:@laguana
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