The trap of indefinite illegitimacy

Note summary image courtesy of AI Google Gemini

By Luis Manuel Aguana

Versión en español

One might argue that it would be preferable to leave Delcy Rodríguez in the presidency—in a state of indefinite illegitimacy—until she hands over all the criminals who, from positions of power, have plundered Venezuela; criminals whom she has already diligently made available to the United States. But, unfortunately for those who hold this view, it is not preferable. Let’s examine why.

According to ABC Spain's Washington correspondent, David Andalete, “The United States has obtained guarantees that Venezuelan authorities will hand over more leaders and former associates of Nicolás Maduro, following the transfer to US territory of Colombian businessman Álvaro Pulido Vargas, a partner of Alex Saab, who was also extradited. Bloomberg reported that among the names sought by Washington are former Vice President and former Oil Minister Tareck El Aissami and former Supreme Court President Maikel Moreno” (see in Spanish, David Andalete in ABC Spain, “Delcy continues to hand over Chavista leaders to the US and former Vice President El Aissami is among the next to be extradited”, in https://www.abc.es/internacional/delcy-sigue-entregando-jerarcas-chavistas-eeuu-aissami-20261012195526-nt.html).

Given the illegitimacy of Venezuela’s executive branch—currently headed by an individual acting under duress and following orders from the White House—anything is possible: from signing invalid oil concessions with figures wanted for money laundering, to disregarding Article 69 of the 1999 Constitution, which explicitly prohibits the extradition of Venezuelan citizens.

One might even be pleased to see these and other figures from the regime taken away. (see in Spanish, “US demands Venezuela hand over Maduro's son and eight other Chavista leaders”, in https://www.abc.es/internacional/eeuu-exigio-delcy-rodriguez-delacion-saab-ocho-20260219041322-nt.html), for God knows full well that they deserve it, and that their extradition to the U.S. justice system would go a long way toward ridding Venezuela—and the world—of money laundering, corruption, and drug trafficking.

But the issue goes deeper than that, and the questions are different; this is precisely why we have yet to resolve the situation in Venezuela.

The U.S. insists on keeping Delcy Rodríguez in a state of indefinite illegitimacy within Venezuela. By opting for an "express" route to deal with Venezuelan criminals—disregarding whether or not they undermine the country’s institutional framework, and failing to prioritize the resolution of the presidency’s illegitimacy—they are dangerously delaying the proper, standard procedures that would be followed anywhere else in the world. Of course, it is far easier to manipulate a puppet. This approach may yield some desirable outcomes, such as certain extraditions, but it also brings negative consequences stemming from such tight control.

Unless the core issue—the illegitimacy of the President of the Republic—is addressed first, it is highly unlikely that the country’s other grave problems will be solved. This must be clearly understood and fully grasped. Yet, the U.S. will not let go of the puppet until they have squeezed every last bit of utility out of it—all while overlooking the fact that the puppet and its associates are no fools; they remain in full control of the technical, legal, and procedural machinery used to count the votes of the Venezuelan people.

Will they dismantle this fraudulent apparatus—which has secured their victory for nearly 30 years—only to walk into an electoral slaughterhouse against whoever might be elected from the political opposition? Personally, I will not believe it until I see it.

As long as Delcy Rodríguez remains at the helm of the executive branch and her brother leads the legislative branch, it is highly unlikely that there will be any meaningful changes to the Venezuelan electoral system—beyond, perhaps, the appointment of new officials to the National Electoral Council (CNE). These individuals would simply be placed atop a mechanism meticulously designed and calibrated by the regime to inject votes in its own favor—a mechanism they would have no real power to control. It’s like changing the managers of a casino where all the roulette wheels and slot machines are rigged, while the operation remains in the hands of the very people who devised the system. Those running things on the ground are the ones who ultimately decide who wins and who loses. That is why the entire establishment must be rebuilt, with a new system and new rules. It’s not that hard to understand.

Therefore, the big question is not how—or by whom—Delcy Rodríguez should be replaced, but rather the current illegitimacy of the executive branch to make decisions that affect the Venezuelan people. The focus should be on exerting pressure—both inside and outside the country—until this is addressed, and on refraining from making any decisions regarding elections until this fundamental irregularity is resolved. Once that situation has been settled, the new, legitimate executive branch should modify the vote-counting mechanism to ensure that the Venezuelan people can have authentic elections. THAT IS THE PROPER ORDER.

It is highly concerning that U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has urged the president of the 2015 National Assembly, Dinorah Figuera, in the lead-up to the next round of talks—which began on October 14— “continued progress on political freedoms and electoral reform, which would lay the groundwork for free, fair, and credible elections in Venezuela.” without the illegitimacy of the executive power having yet been resolved (see Secretary Rubio’s Meeting with Venezuela’s 2015 National Assembly President Dinorah Figuera, in https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesman/2026/10/secretary-rubios-meeting-with-venezuelas-2015-national-assembly-president-dinorah-figuera/).

If the opposition sectors fail to fully grasp the problem and do not raise their voices—continuing instead to insist on electoral timelines and “elections now” without first resolving the grave issue of the executive branch’s illegitimacy—then the removal of Maduro will have been for nothing. The tyranny will become entrenched through these “elections,” and it will no longer be subject to so-called North American “oversight.” Through these elections, the regime will gain legitimacy, completing a trap into which we will all fall…

Caracas, October 16, 2026

Blog: TIC’s & Derechos Humanos, https://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/

Email: luismanuel.aguana@gmail.com

Twitter:@laguana


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